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COLUMNISTS
TODAY'S STORIES
25.06.2008
In Case of Emergency: Break Mugabe

Pace Jamie’s Zimbabwe blogging: I am worried. The latest, extraordinarily distressing news from the region:

The leader of Zimbabwe’s opposition party has sought refuge in the Dutch Embassy in the capital, Harare, the Dutch government said Monday, while the police raided the party’s headquarters and detained more than 40 people, mostly women, children and people injured in the recent political violence.

The latest developments came a day after the opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, withdrew from a presidential run-off, scheduled for June 27, saying he could neither participate in “this violent, illegitimate sham of an election process,” nor ask his voters to risk their lives in the face of threats from forces backing President Robert Mugabe.

Mr. Tsvangirai told a news conference in Harare on Sunday that his party was facing a war rather than an election “and we will not be part of that war.”

I’m of two minds about Tsvangirai’s decision to give in to Mugabe’s strongarming (and it’s difficult to use such an idiom when what I mean is the wholesale kidnapping, slaughter and torture of dissenters). On the one hand, the spate of state terrorism, which has mounted steadily since the March 29 vote that Mugabe lost, has long since surpassed the level of threat. It is a reality, and Tsvangirai is perfectly right that his supporters bear the risk of losing their lives.

But at what cost does a failed state like Zimbabwe capitulate? At what cost do their leaders validate and sanction fear—the means-tested lifeblood of dictatorship? Tsvangirai’s cave seems to me almost disrespectful to the thousands that have already been sacrificed to the turmoil that has seized Zimbabwe and diffused throughout southern Africa. Tsvangirai made this point himself a month ago, saying:  "I was in the hospital today, people with scars, wounds, all saying: 'President, we will finish him off, don't let us down'.“ The question for him in the days ahead: Well?

And no matter who is treating them as such, these political crises are not fundamentally intractable. In the last five years, we’ve seen fraught electoral moments in Togo, Nigeria, Kenya and now Zimbabwe. Some have gone unmediated; others were successfully resolved with African Union diplomatic assistance. Most importantly, these transitional crises are the best and often only chances to make a quantum leap toward better governance in regions where it is sorely needed.

The pattern of progress had a chance in Zimbabwe. Smart leaders in Botswana and Zambia and Tanzania have denounced the charade. Levy Mwanawasa, head of the Southern African Development Community, has floated the idea of postponing the election until some kind of protective force can be instated and a free and fair result is more probable. Past and present African leaders and the rest of the SADC have met today in search of a diplomatic solution; and the International Crisis Group has laid out the other credible options for resolution. South Africa’s ruling ANC party has now spoken out against Mugabe, and their President, a groveling supporter of the despot.

But it’s all backward: The tone was set back in April, when Mugabe was allowed to suppress results for three weeks and to succeed in pushing a revote. Imagine: The UN Security Council has—months after the disputed contest and subsequent terrorism—taken its first “action,” a one-page statement saying how wrong it would be to hold the vote scheduled for this Friday. Now Kenyan leader Raila Odinga (whose own electoral mishap pales in comparison) warns of a repeat of the 100 days of Rwandan horror in 1994--no matter what.

Everyone is appalled, of course—just appalled. But astonishingly (and putting Hillary Clinton’s final weeks of primary campaigning into perspective), there’s an ongoing debate about “what Mugabe wants.” Sure, he craves power, and the promotion of his racist worldview. But his recent rampage must be attributed in part to the specter of western-style prosecution for crimes against humanity. Certainly he is not interested in Zimbabwe's well-being. But he is holding a nation hostage out of fear—and even with arms, he is weak. His authority is running on fumes. British diplomat Mark Malloch Brown said of the election: "He obviously wants to steal it, but he is going to have to do it so visibly and ostentatiously and outrageously I think the world will, I hope, not let him get away with it.”

Shall they? Paul Wolfowitz is pretending that politesse and debt forgiveness will get the job done. Tsvangirai has asked for UN guns. I support the latter thinking. TNR has editorialized about the fallout from Iraq War policy and the sidelining of American power in theaters other than the middle east. The example was Burma, and the point was that—ten years ago, or absent Iraq—taking on the junta in conjunction with allies would have at least been on the table. Deposing Mugabe would have been, too.

--Dayo Olopade

Here’s a timeline of what’s going on there. Here and here are largely eyewitness dispatches. Here is AllAfrica's news roundup. Here is IRIN's.

(Photo: A campaign poster for opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai and his party the Movement for Democratic Change is attached to a fence June 22, 2008 in Bulawayo, Zimbabwe. Courtey Getty Images.)

Posted: Wednesday, June 25, 2008 10:23 AM with 10 comment(s)

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dbhuff said:

If ever there was a man who should be drawn and quartered it is Mugabe. There is some excellent blogging about the horrors happening there. I agree that he should not have withdrawn, but I think he chose to in order to prevent hopefully more abuse like this (warning, click on an empty stomach)

www.flickr.com/.../72157600853440301

andrewsullivan.theatlantic.com/.../stealing-an-ele.html

For this, there can be no 'deal', he needs to go, and the AU and UN need to do their duty to make that happen.

June 25, 2008 11:02 AM

Rhubarbs said:

I don't know. Some days I'm s bleeding-heart interventionist who wants to throw American force at every sufficiently bad despot in the world. On other days, I ask why the victims of any given tyranny don't take matters into their own hands and free themselves. If about 15 percent of a population are willing to risk death rather than accede to a tyrannical government, that government cannot stand. There is a practical limit to the number of reliable, armed agents of oppression any despot can field at any time. My ancestors participated in successful revolutions against oppression in three different countries; why do the people of Zimbabwe (or Iraq, or China, or ...) not say "no" to their despotic governments? Even the most oppressed people in the world today do not lack for arms they could turn against their oppressors, as Saddam's "victims" demonstrated so ably just weeks after the arrival of our forces in their country. All that's lacking is will.

Which is all incredibly ungenerous, so the next day I'm back to mourning the opportunity costs of the Iraq fiasco, which has denied us for the foreseeable future the ability to use force against even the pettiest of foreign tyrants. To have been or to continue to be for significant U.S. commitment in Iraq is, objectively speaking, to be against American action against the likes of Mugabe.

(But then again, thank God the "international community" wasn't in a position to intervene to overthrow America's slave tyranny in 1850 or our apartheid system in 1950. Flawed as American solutions to our own slavery and racism problems have been, they were superior to any conceivable solution that might have been imposed at the point of a British bayonet. I would think that in the long run, a Zimbabwean, or at any rate an African, solution to Zimbabwe's problems will also be better than any "solution" that results from foreign force. Kenya, Ghana, Botswana, South Africa -- other African countries have found indigenous solutions to similar problems of despotism and racism as Zimbabwe faces.)

June 25, 2008 11:17 AM

mpatrickhendri said:

What does Mugabe want? That's pretty clear; he wants to hold onto power so that he doesn't end up on the end of a rope or worse - the Hague. His supporters also recognize the perils of losing power, the financial suport that it brings, and the possibility of reprisal killings.

As for American military intervention on southern Africa, give me a break. With or without Iraq, it would never happen.

June 25, 2008 11:34 AM

cbustard said:

At this point, the most effective pressure would be exerted on Mbeki in South Africa, Mugabe's chief enabler. Any trade or aid deals with South Africa should be put on indefinite hold, and human-rights groups should bear down on mistreatment of exiles from Zimbabwe in South Africa.

Also: Are U.S. and British tobacco companies still buying from Zimbabwe? Historically, tobacco has been the country's most lucrative export.

And this would be a good time for Obama to speak up about Mugabe and other repressive African leaders. No American politician has higher credibility - family ties, no less - on the continent.

June 25, 2008 11:51 AM

ironyroad said:

True, mpatrick, but it's not just a matter of military intervention.  It's also to do with the capacity to organize and focus diplomatic and political pressure on a particular target and close down that target's options, with the vision of (a) an escort to the airport and spending the rest of his life as a rich but forgotten refugee in some place like Libya or (b) a visit to the Hague.  You need some assets to do that effectively, and everyone knows that our assets are committed elsewhere, compromised in certain areas, and weak on strategic credibility.

June 25, 2008 11:57 AM

Dayo Olopade said:

Rhubarbs: My focus would be on arming the opposition. Uprising is tough work, when you're underfed and terrified, destitute, homeless or exiled. (This covers most of the 70 percent of Zim that's unemployed.) Nevertheless, I'd love to see your 15 percent--I'd settle for Tsvangirai--stay and fight. But with what? China's arms boost Mugabe's ruthless policing ops--though I often wonder why the workaday, ground-level enforcers are still killing for him.

mpatrickhendri: I won't give you a break. I agree we're going nowhere near southern Africa. But that's because the most abundant natural resource in modern Zimbabwe is poor black people, and ethnic indifference is well-established foreign policy (cf. Rwanda, Sudan, Kenya). Couple this with my favorite line from John McCain this year:

“If you send in Western military forces, then you risk the backlash from the people, from the legacy that was left in Africa because of the era of colonialism.”

and you have the equation that will fulfill your prophesy. As if Iraq weren't, uh, colonized, too.

June 25, 2008 12:09 PM

ackyri said:

When was the last time an election boycott accomplished anything positive?

June 25, 2008 12:51 PM

emigdio said:

I have nothing substantive to add. Just that writing beautifully, in a blog, about a horrible subject, is hard work. And Dayo did it. So thank you.

June 25, 2008 12:58 PM

Rhubarbs said:

I meant to append to my comment above that I don't intend any of it as any kind of policy recommendation, but rather as a confession of my own policy confusion -- and most likely of my own failure of moral imagination on the question of what to do about other people's tyrants.

One question I have is about the complicity of the military establishment, in North Korea as well as Zimbabwe. A trained seal would do a better job of distributing resources and state favors to maintain popular support than Mugabe or Kim; surely every military officer above the rank of captain realizes that he would be a more effective ruler than the fool he salutes. So why does each country's armed forces permit itself to be so badly used for such meager rewards?

June 25, 2008 1:53 PM

butchie b said:

Not so, Rhubs.  The military is taken care of in Zim and NKor.  These guys may be murdering loons, but they ain't stupid.

June 25, 2008 3:44 PM